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Dirty Wars: The world is a battlefield
 
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Dirty Wars: The world is a battlefield [Format Kindle]

Jeremy Scahill
4.0 étoiles sur 5  Voir tous les commentaires (2 commentaires client)

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Présentation de l'éditeur

In this story from the frontlines of the undeclared battlefields of the War on Terror, Jeremy Scahill exposes America's new approach to war: fought far from any declared battlefield, by units that do not officially exist, in thousands of operations a month that are never publicly acknowledged.





From Afghanistan and Pakistan to Yemen, Somalia and beyond, Scahill speaks to the CIA agents, mercenaries and elite Special Operations Forces operators. He goes deep into al Qaeda-held territory in Yemen and walks the streets of Mogadishu with CIA-backed warlords. We also meet the survivors of night raids and drone strikes - including families of US citizens targeted for assassination by their own government - who reveal the shocking human consequences of the dirty wars the United States struggle to keep hidden.


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4.0 étoiles sur 5 tres bien documente et instructif 8 juin 2014
Par Maussy
Format:Format Kindle|Achat vérifié
Il faut s'accrocher mais cela vaut la peine

On a froid dans le dos apres la lecture

a chacun de jouer
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4.0 étoiles sur 5 ON PERD SES ILLUSIONS... 2 juin 2014
Par Bilagaana
Format:Broché|Achat vérifié
... Enfin, s'ils nous en reste encore. Et dire qu'Obama a reçu le prix Nobel de la Paix ! Les Américains prennent vraiment tous les autres pour des colonisés
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Amazon.com: 4.2 étoiles sur 5  337 commentaires
208 internautes sur 224 ont trouvé ce commentaire utile 
5.0 étoiles sur 5 Untold history 23 avril 2013
Par Daniel Goldberg - Publié sur Amazon.com
Format:Relié
"Dirty Wars" has a somewhat different tone that Scahil's book on Blackwater. It is a rigorous history of un-declared and largely un-reported violence in many countries around the world by various parts of the United States government since Sept 11th. There is,as one might expect, a sub-text of great alarm about the deterioration of American legal standards and a profound concern about the effects of killing of thousands of people, many of them children and others who died for having the bad luck to be near a US target. The concerns are both moral and strategic since it is not at all clear that the policies have not created far more terrorists than they have killed. But what is most striking about "Dirty Wars" is how thorough and careful it is as a work of history. There is no name calling there are no no knee-jerk left wing attitudes. There is an implicit empathy and respect for many in the military and intelligence communities who wouldn't be caught reading a copy of The Nation.It is a search for the truth in an arena that most of the media has ignored or failed to have the resolve to fully learn and analyze. It is primarily a recitation of facts which gives the book far more authority than a mere polemic and it will be a permanent part of the history of these times. Dirty Wars: The World Is A BattlefieldDirty Wars: The World Is A Battlefield
254 internautes sur 282 ont trouvé ce commentaire utile 
5.0 étoiles sur 5 Spec Ops Perspective 23 avril 2013
Par Brandon Webb - Publié sur Amazon.com
Format:Relié
Full disclosure: I've become friends with Jeremy prior to this book coming out. I'm a fellow writer but also served over a decade in the Special Operations community. I'm not another journalist or writer opining about something I don't know about, and I don't give fluff reviews just because a friend writes a book. My full in-depth review will come soon on SOFREP.

While I found Blackwater admittedly somewhat biased (a great read none-the-less), Dirty Wars is incredibly researched, and critical across the political divide.

Dirty Wars is chock full of incredible and insightful information that will leave most readers uncomfortably informed. I imagine reading this book will be kind of like the first Matrix movie where one of the characters comes to know what reality "is" but chooses to plug back into delusion because reality is too uncomfortable to deal with. This is the situation in America right now, and best we admit we have serious issues that require serious solutions.

Great work Jeremy.

Brandon, Former Navy SEAL and Editor of SOFREP
159 internautes sur 177 ont trouvé ce commentaire utile 
5.0 étoiles sur 5 Vile, Filthy, Bloody, Dirty Wars 23 avril 2013
Par David Swanson - Publié sur Amazon.com
Format:Relié
Jeremy Scahill, author of Blackwater: The Rise of the World's Most Powerful Mercenary Army, has a new book that should be required reading for Congress members, journalists, war supporters, war opponents, Americans, non-Americans -- really, pretty much everybody. The new book is called Dirty Wars: The World Is a Battlefield.

Of course, Scahill is not suggesting that the world should be a battlefield. He's reporting on how the Bush and Obama White Houses have defined and treated it as such.

The phrase "dirty wars" is a little less clear in meaning. Scahill is a reporter whose chronological narrative is gripping and revealing but virtually commentary-free. Any observations on the facts related tend to come in the form of quotations from experts and those involved. So, there isn't anywhere in the book that explicitly explains what a dirty war is.

The focus of the book is on operations that were once more secretive than they are today: kidnapping, rendition, secret-imprisonment, torture, and assassination. "This is a story," reads the first sentence of the book, "about how the United States came to embrace assassination as a central part of its national security policy." It's a story about special, elite, and mercenary forces operating under even less Congressional or public oversight than the rest of the U.S. military, a story about the Joint Special Operations Command and the CIA, and not about the "shock and awe" bombing of Baghdad or the activities of tens of thousands of soldiers occupying Iraq or Afghanistan.

The type of war recounted is variously identified in the book as dirty, dark, black, dark-side, small, covert, black-ops, asymmetric, secret, twilight, and -- in quotation marks -- "smart." At one point, Scahill describes the White House, along with General Stanley McChrystal, as beginning to "apply its emerging global kill list doctrine inside Afghanistan, buried within the larger, public war involving conventional U.S. forces." But part of Scahill's story is how, in recent years, something that had been considered special, secretive, and relatively unimportant has come to occupy the focus of the U.S. military. In the process, it has lost some of its stigma as well as its secretiveness. Scahill refers to some operations as "not so covert." It's hard to hide a drone war that is killing people by the thousands. Secret death squad night raids that are bragged about in front of the White House Press Corps are not so secret.

I don't think, in the end, that Scahill is suggesting that other wars, or other parts of wars, are clean. In fact, he characterizes the Obama administration's growing use of dirty war tactics as "the fantasy of a clean war." The term "clean" has been used in Washington, D.C., to distinguish killing from imprisonment-and-torture. Scahill's book should make clear to every reader that there is nothing clean about a war fought by death squad, drone, and missile strike -- any more than any other war. They're all dirty, filthy, nasty enterprises, about which we're usually fed a pile of official sanitizing and beautifying lies.

Weighing in at over 500 pages, Dirty Wars is an extensive account, in large part, of how the White House came to begin killing U.S. citizens with drones. You can, however, read this book in less time than it takes to watch a 12-hour filibuster on the subject, as recently presented by Senator Rand Paul, and you'll learn a great deal more in the process.

Scahill combines publicly available information with his own original reporting (much of which he has written and spoken about before) to create the best history we have of how the practice I call murder-by-president evolved from tiny origins in the Clinton White House to weekly Terror Tuesday meetings for Obama. Without the need for any commentary from the author, a number of themes emerge, I think, through the telling of events and the repetition of the same sorts of horrors and blunders:

· The U.S. government vastly overestimates its power and conceives of its power as physical force;

· The use of such force (in Iraq, Somalia, Yemen, Pakistan, Afghanistan, etc.) tends to make matters worse and create situations that, by the same analysis, require much more force, which thankfully isn't always used;

· Revenge and machismo sometimes motivate actions publicly depicted as geopolitical strategy and humanitarianism;

· The U.S. government lies frequently, and sometimes begins to believe its own lies;

· The U.S. corporate media takes very little offense at being lied to;

· Nothing you think the CIA might try to do could be dumber than some of the things it actually tries;

· And, uses of power that are permitted will be engaged in increasingly if unchecked.

The book is arranged chronologically, and some stories are returned to again and again. One of these, probably the best, is the story of the Awlaki family, of Anwar Awlaki and his father and his son. (Re. CIA dumbness, don't miss the bit where the CIA supports polygamy by recruiting a new wife for Anwar.)

Anwar Awlaki, as far as we know, began to turn against the United States following the U.S. harassment of Muslims that began on September 12, 2001, at which time Awlaki was living in Virginia; and he grew in his opposition to the United States as our government harassed him and threatened to murder him. Awlaki, as far as we know, never took any action against the United States beyond publicly encouraging others to do so. In other words, Awlaki did the same thing CNN does quite often: he promoted the waging of war. Now, I think that such actions should be illegal, and that under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights they are. I'd like to see Awlaki and various members of the U.S. media and various U.S. government officials prosecuted for war propaganda. But my position is rare if not unique. It is far more common to maintain that the First Amendment protects such speech.

Awlaki wasn't charged with or tried for any crime. Instead, he was killed by a drone, along with another U.S. citizen, Samir Khan, who was with him -- a death that one U.S. Congress member called "a bonus" and "a twofer." Awlaki's teenage son and several other teenage members of his family were killed two weeks later by another U.S. drone strike.

These deaths were a handful among the mountain of corpses produced by U.S. dirty wars. And Dirty Wars provides us with the heartbreaking and "humanizing" stories of some of the non-U.S. victims. I put "humanizing" in quotes because I always wonder whether anyone really truly doubts that foreigners living far away are human until a photo or film or narrative "puts a human face on them." Here are stories of innocent families, children, women, and men killed by a Global War on the Globe that advertises itself as eliminating terrorism.

The Boston marathon bombs created a bit of a public debate this week over how to define "terrorism." Many were unsure whether it was terrorism, not knowing whether the bombers were foreign or domestic. Others believed the bombers' motives needed to be known before the "terrorism" label could be applied. The latter is a reasonable position, but one that renders the term less useful, while ignoring many of its common uses. If we define "terrorism," as seems most useful, as acts of violence that terrorize people, it is hard to see much of what's recounted in Scahill's book as anything other than terrorism.

While we're defining terms, it's worth noting that "assassination" is usually defined as the murder of a prominent public figure. A "signature strike," which Scahill describes as a type of "pre-crime" punishment, in which President Obama or his subordinate orders the killing of someone whose name is unknown but whose behavior suggests that he or she might be likely to engage in active resistance to a U.S. occupation or might be likely to attack people in the United States someday -- that is by definition not an assassination. It is a different type of murder, but still of course a murder.

When the New York Times reported on President Obama's kill list on May 29, 2012, it quoted Obama's National Security Advisor and cited interviews with three-dozen former and current advisors to Obama in the White House. The U.S. voting public reelected Obama five months later, and it appears entirely possible that the president wanted the public to know that he murders people (trusting that many who wouldn't approve would avoid knowing), and that as a political strategist -- if in no other way whatsoever -- Obama was right.
36 internautes sur 44 ont trouvé ce commentaire utile 
5.0 étoiles sur 5 Understanding America's predicament 24 mai 2013
Par Jockular - Publié sur Amazon.com
Format:Relié|Achat vérifié
In the last 24 hours, the beheading of a UK soldier in London, Obama's speech on policy re drones/special ops./perpetual global warfare, AND I've read a good chunk of "Dirty Wars". The 3rd has made the first 2 much more understandable.

In Obama's speeches, there's a curious tone of "If I ran this place, things would be different." Well, he DOES run this place, or should! He's not paid to bemoan problems, but to tackle and solve them. Why is he only today - well into the 5th year of his presidency - talking about reigning in use of drones,special ops, and the global reach of JSOC (Joint Special Operations Command) way beyond established battlefields?

And why is Obama going public on these issues now, after months of stonewalling? Is the constitutional lawyer in Obama being reborn - long after the extra-judicial drone-murder in Yemen of US citizens Anwar Awlaki and his 15 year old son? murder in untold countries of foreigners merely suspected of supporting or harboring "terrorists"? (Before you reject what I am saying, read Scahill's account of Awlaki's behavior. It doesn't match what Obama said today.)

Scahill's book convinces me that Obama DOESN'T run things, can't control what JSOC does with its $8 billion annual secret budget, and with "cover" from who knows where in the Pentagon. While Obama's speech suggests presidential approval of each and every operation, Scahill tells a different story -- based on many interviews with officers who built and worked in the special ops world which Cheney, Rumsfeld and their neo-cons have fashioned.

Read Brandon Webb's 5 star review (here on Amazon)of this book. Webb was a member of Seal Team 3, and wrote the EXCELLENT account "The Red Circle" of his service as a SEAL and then as a sniper trainer. Based on Webb's in-depth, real-world experience, Scahill is judged to be talking truth.

This book makes more understandable -- although, of course, in no way justifiable -- how atrocities like yesterday's beheading in London or the bombing in Boston could be taking place. And with so many murders and violations of sovereignty behind us, I have to wonder how many seeds of bitterness and future violence the US' overly-militarized policy towards muslim countries has sown - and will yet sow.
21 internautes sur 26 ont trouvé ce commentaire utile 
5.0 étoiles sur 5 A thoroughly illuminating chronicle of our time 6 mai 2013
Par Janet Wise, Author - Publié sur Amazon.com
Format:Relié|Achat vérifié
The Society of Professional Journalists' preamble begins with, "Members (of the SPJ) believe that public enlightenment is the forerunner of justice and the foundation of democracy. The duty of the journalist is to further those ends by seeking truth and providing a fair and comprehensive account of events and issues. Conscientious journalists from all media and specialties strive to serve the public with thoroughness and honesty."

Jeremy Scahill is not only at the top of his field in journalistic thoroughness, honesty, and integrity (as well as courage) he is in a class all his own. In "Dirty Wars: The World is a Battlefield" he has chronicled the opening salvo of the twenty-first century; he lays out in incredibly researched and factual detail, what America has done to the world in our never-ending "War on Terror." The reader cannot help but come away with the realization that America's violating of the international laws we were instrumental in creating, our use of torture, our massive assassinations by JSOC death squads and drones, has created far, far more enemies than we have killed, or can ever hope to kill. Example: Scahill quotes a Special Ops source revealing that after their team had killed their way through a HVT (high value target) list of 30 or 50 that their next list was 3,000, and it extrapolated from there. Equally important is how he exactingly exposes the destruction of our nation's laws--how in twelve short years we have dismantled our 250-year legacy of a legal structure that allowed for a civilized society and protected us as a people.

There is no polemic narrative; he lays out the dark and ugly facts with objective, but stark clarity. Every American should read this book, and then every American--regardless of their political stripe--should ask themselves what kind of world we want to leave our children and grandchildren. Do we want to return to being a country based on the rule of law? Or do we continue to allow our leaders to pursue this path that has not only tarnished our nation, but will ultimately be our own destruction. I read a lot, but this book goes on my short-list of the best of the decade. It provides the true underbelly of our recent history, and it will go down in history of one of the most important books of our time.

Janet Wise is the author of "The Black Silk Road" and "A Midnight Trade" (just released and available on Amazon.com).
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