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Making Globalization Work [Anglais] [Broché]

Joseph E. Stiglitz

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13 juillet 2007
From Nobel Prize winner Joseph Stiglitz, Making Globalization Work gives real, concrete ways to deal with third world debt, make trade fair and tackle global warming. In Globalization and its Discontents Joseph Stiglitz changed the views of the public and world leaders alike by showing why globalization doesn't work for the world's poor. In this bold, ambitious follow-up, Stiglitz shows how powerful organizations such as the UN, the IMF and the World Bank can be made to consider everyone's interests. Stiglitz examines how change has occurred rapidly over the past four years, proposing solutions and looking to the future. He puts forward radical new solutions to the seemingly intractable international problems which we face - in forms that are more likely to be accepted both by the US and the developing world than previous proposals. Another world is possible, he argues, and is not only morally right, but of benefit to us all. 'Passionate, engaging ... he speaks from the heart as well as the head'
  Independent 'The man with a mission to save the poor ... offers a wealth of ideas for global reform'
  The Times 'A searing critique of conventional wisdom'
  Newsweek 'An excellent book ... a lodestar for those who want to achieve a different and better world'
  Guardian Joseph Stiglitz is one of the world's best-known economists. He was Chief Economist at the World Bank until January 2000. Before that he was Chairman of President Clinton's Council of Economic Advisers. He is currently Professor of Finance and Economics at Columbia University. He won the Nobel Prize for Economics in 2001 and is the author of the bestselling Globalization and Its Discontents and The Roaring Nineties, both published by Penguin.
--Ce texte fait référence à l'édition Broché .

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Revue de presse

Stiglitz has written an excellent book that can act as a lodestar for those who want to achieve a different and better world (Martin Jacques Guardian) --Ce texte fait référence à l'édition Broché .

Biographie de l'auteur

Joseph Stiglitz is one of the world's best-known economists. He was Chief Economist at the World Bank until January 2000. Before that he was Chairman of President Clinton's Council of Economic Advisers. He is currently Professor of Finance and Economics at Columbia University. He won the Nobel Prize for Economics in 2001 and is the author of the bestselling Globalization and Its Discontents and The Roaring Nineties, both published by Penguin. Professor Stiglitz is Chair of the Management Board and Director of Graduate Summer Programmes at the Brooks World Poverty Institute, University of Manchester. --Ce texte fait référence à l'édition Broché .

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Joseph E. Stiglitz est l'un des économistes les plus influents et les plus écoutés au monde. Il est l'un des rares à nous mettre en garde, depuis plusieurs années, contre le fanatisme du marché et la financiarisation de l'économie. Prix Nobel en 2001, il est notamment l'auteur de La Grande Désillusion (Fayard, 2002), Quand le capitalisme perd la tête (Fayard, 2003), Un autre monde. Contre le fanatisme du marché (Fayard, 2006), Le Triomphe de la cupidité (Les Liens qui Libèrent, 2009 ; Babel n° 1042) et le Rapport Stiglitz (Les Liens qui Libèrent, 2010).

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Amazon.com: 4.1 étoiles sur 5  49 commentaires
66 internautes sur 69 ont trouvé ce commentaire utile 
5.0 étoiles sur 5 Globalization and Democracy 9 novembre 2006
Par Izaak VanGaalen - Publié sur Amazon.com
Format:Relié
This new book by Joseph Stiglitz discusses many of the issues of his earlier work, "Globalization and Its Discontents." The previously described discontents have become more pressing in the interim. Stiglitz reminds us again that globalization and economic growth are bypassing a large number of people in the developing world; in fact, some of the so-called developing world is not developing at all.

He facetiously points out that a cow in Europe earns more than half of the people on the planet. The $2 a day subsidy of the European cow is equal to the the cut-off line defining poverty, and half of the earth's inhabitants live below this level. This example illustrates the ostensible unfairness of the current system. European, American, and Japanese multinationals, and the trade negotiators who represent them, argue for freer trade yet they refuse to relinquish agricultural subsidies. This is very unfortunate for the developing world since about 80 percent of their economies are agricultural. Nothing would help them more than if the rich countries stopped subsidizing their agriculture and opened their markets to imports. Economically this is a good idea, politically the it is a non-starter. The French will not be importing Brie and the Japanese will not be importing rice.

This seems to be the case with many of Stiglitz's ideas: they sound reasonable and fair, but unfortunately fairness is not a priority for many trade negotiators.

Stiglitz's proposal for a global reserve system is another example of a good idea whose time has not yet come. Today, when countries set aside money for a rainy day, the currency of choice is the US dollar, which for the time being is relatively stable and strong. The only problem is that the US is financing these global reserves at the rate of $2 billion a day - a truly unsustainable trend. Stiglitz's solution, borrowed from John Meynard Keynes, is to create a universal currency. In good times reserves can be held in this currency and in bad times these reserves can be drawn. Sounds eminently reasonable but Uncle Sam is not going to give up the the reins.

What Stiglitz is doing is calling for greater democracy in the global trading system. Currently the global trading system is stacked in favor of the rich nations, especially the US. This is not to say that rich nations don't have their issues - they do. What is important in this book is that the poor countries should be given a better deal. Much has been writtem about bad governance in the developing world, and much of it is true; however, aggravating these problems are unfair trade agreements. Stiglitz is important because he gives a voice to the developing world's vulnerablity. For example, when poor countries are forced to open up their markets to foreign banks, their local banks are put out of business, and, as a consequence, local lending suffers. More democracy in the global trading system would go a long way in alleviating some of these unjustices. The only question is: Are the rich and powerful nations ready for more democracy and a more equitable trading system.
32 internautes sur 34 ont trouvé ce commentaire utile 
5.0 étoiles sur 5 Expert advice on managing Globalization 11 janvier 2007
Par E. David Swan - Publié sur Amazon.com
Format:Relié|Achat vérifié
There is a breed of economists who have what can only be described as a mystical reverence for the market. To them Adam Smith's `invisible hand' is not a merely a literary conceit but an actual force like electromagnetism or gravity. Following the advice of Milton Friedman these economists would privatize literally everything from primary education to road maintenance to social security. The government would act as a modest referee deciding property rights as well as defending borders. This is the mindset under which the IMF and World Bank operate. It's the "Washington Consensus", a one-size-fits-all solution to all economic problems and it's been active for decades using the indefatigable wisdom of the "free market" to solve all the world's ills.

The problem is that the "Washington Consensus" as instituted by the IMF and World Bank has had disastrous results in many countries around the world most notably Russia. As the chief economist of the World Bank from 1997 to 2000, Joseph E. Stiglitz is probably a pretty decent source to go to for on why so many countries AREN'T booming after instituting IMF imposed "structural adjustments". The author offers Argentina as an example of a country which received an A+ rating from the IMF for following the Washington Consensus only to face financial calamity a few short years later.

As the author puts it, one of the main problems is that, "the Washington Consensus prescription is based on a theory of the market economy that assumes perfect information, perfect competition, and perfect risk markets". Mr. Stiglitz writes, "policies have to be designed to be implemented by ordinary mortals". Economists seem to have become so enamored by the blackboard theories behind pure free market economics that they ignore the reality of its results. Even worse, when economies follow the IMF's prescription and fail they're blamed for not adhering CLOSE ENOUGH to the IMF/World Bank dictates.

The other main problem is that the Washington Consensus is being instituted in countries that simply do not have the institutions necessary for a free market economy including strong property rights, an established tax base and the means to enforce the rule of law. The shock treatment in Russia allowed money to flow freely in order to stimulate foreign investment but all it caused was the money to drain right out. The IMF/World Bank are very inflexible for instance they admonish countries for deficit spending, in order to stimulate the economy, even when a country has accrued a considerable amount of savings. At the same time the IMF/World Bank encourages low tax rates meaning that even modest economic stimulants can push a country into deficit spending. The scary thing is that even if a country doesn't currently have loans with the IMF/World Bank they can still fear bucking the Washington Consensus given that a poor report from the IMF/World Bank can potentially scare away foreign investments.

The author wisely points out that economic growth is only real if it is sustainable. American neo-conservatives love to crow about their pro-growth support but growth is pointless if you destroy the environment and rip up all the natural resources in a few decades. Using GDP as the de facto benchmark of a countries economic progress can be very misleading. As a case in point the author offers up oil production. The faster a country can rip oil out of the ground the higher its GDP will rise but in truth the country may well become LESS valuable as its resources are depleted. Compounded that with environmental damage, that isn't being factored into the equation, and a country can become poorer as its GDP rises. This is not just some abstract case but a situation that occurs frequently.

The author discusses a lot more topics including the often anti-democratic nature of the IMF/World Bank, issues of asymmetric globalization between developing and developed nations, the stifling nature of over patenting, subsidies versus tariffs. For an economics book I found it to be very readable and extremely enlightening. Mr. Stiglitz is clearly on the progressive side of the political spectrum which is evident by his concern for the inequity in globalization. Fortunately the IMF and World Bank seem to be adjusting somewhat to the reality that strict adherence to the Washington Consensus isn't the end all be all solution. Hopefully this is a sign that the times are a changin'. Hopefully.
41 internautes sur 49 ont trouvé ce commentaire utile 
5.0 étoiles sur 5 A well-informed and thought-provoking work 6 septembre 2006
Par Robert C. - Publié sur Amazon.com
Format:Relié
In this book, Stiglitz gave his advices on how to make globalization work for most of the population on earth: how the world - especially the developing countries - can reap the enormous benefits of globalization while containing the equally enormous problems -- problems well documented in his previous book "Globalization and Its Discontents" - that globalization creates.

The content of the book is well organized, its opinions well informed, and its ideas thought-provoking.

This book is really written from a high moral ground - putting the interests of the world's vast poor ahead of the special interests of wealthy Western corporations. Some may feel uncomfortable of this view point, and some may even attack the book. But having met with Stiglitz in person, I have enormous respect for his integrity and his sincerity in genuinely wanting to help make globalization work to benefit most people in this world. Highly recommended!
14 internautes sur 16 ont trouvé ce commentaire utile 
5.0 étoiles sur 5 Very Helpful in Understanding Globalization 7 octobre 2006
Par Loyd E. Eskildson - Publié sur Amazon.com
Format:Relié
Most discussion of globalization consists of uninformed opinion that is not worth listening to or reading. Not so with "Making Globalization Work" - the author is a Nobel prize-winner in economics and has worked at the IMF and the White House. He provides an excellent summary of the current problems with globalization, and a number of suggestions for improvement.

Stiglitz tells us that the world is in a race between economic and population growth, and so far population growth is winning - at least in absolute numbers of people, and especially when China is excluded.

The IMF is not democratic - the U.S. has effective veto. Further, it has focused on inflation, rather than wages, environment, unemployment, or poverty (recently it did make poverty reduction a priority). Advanced industrial countries (AIC) have been allowed to levy tariffs on goods produced by developing countries that were, on average, four times those on goods from other AICs. Developing countries were also forced to abandon subsidies for their nascent industries while AIC were allowed to continue their enormous agricultural subsidies. The top 1% of U.S. farms get 25% of the subsidies (averaging over $1 million/), while the bottom 80% get less than $7,000/. Thus, the program is NOT key to saving the family farm, and in fact hurts them more by increasing land prices that in turn require greater use of fertilizer and capital to utilize profitably. Further, the U.S. has used trade agreements to force patent protection for drugs (increasing AIDs deaths) and for eg. Microsoft.

Finally, Stiglitz recognizes that globalization does produce losers within the U.S., especially those with less education. He proposes more progressive taxation to support an improved safety net for those affected. However, my one criticism is that Stiglitz does not offer an estimate of what market equalizing wages would be like in the U.S. I suspect they would be so low and affect so many that it would destabilize our nation.

Free market development can be difficult - eg. firms using plastics or steel are not likely to develop without a local supplier, and those local suppliers look for assured demand before building. Further, banks are often less interested in leading to new industries than financing speculative real estate or lending to the government. Korea and Taiwan believe in the importance of free markets, but both stepped in to create world-class producers of steel (Korea) and plastics (Taiwan); meanwhile, during the early days of these industries they limited undercutting imports. Thus, "free enterprise" is not always the answer.

TIght money and budgets (the IMF prescription) were used to bring down hyperinflation in Russia after the USSR was broken up; this was accompanied by rapid privatization, resulting in a giveaway of its most valuable assets and quick capital flight (partly due to fear privatization would be reversed). Aftrica has fared poorly due to a less educated populace, less infrastructure, and less stability --> making it less attractive to investment. In addition, the Green Revolution did not take hold in Afrca as it had in Asia, and AIDs has ravaged the population. Failures of the conservative approach in Africa, Latin America, and Russia have also weakened democracy in those areas.

One of the main arguments for NAFTA was to close the income gap between Mexico and the U.S., and thereby also reduce illegal immigration. Yet, the disparity grew during the first decade by about 10%, and real growth per capita in Mexico was only 1.8% during the period. Mexican farmers now must compete with highly subsidized U.S. growers --> an increase in illegal immigration.

Exports, not the removal of trade barriers, is the driving force of growth.

GDP measures of an economy do not include sustainability - eg. resource depletion, borrowing from abroad), nor life expectancy.

China's 11th 5-year plan (3/06) shifted from exports (growing protectionism around the world) to greater domestic demand, as a means of utilizing its over 40% savings rate.

Corruption of campaign contributions by major corporations in the eg. U.S. is greater in magnitude of impact on democratic processes than the petty and pervasive small bribes paid government officials in developing countries.
8 internautes sur 9 ont trouvé ce commentaire utile 
5.0 étoiles sur 5 A Blueprint for Successful Globalization 8 janvier 2007
Par Craig L. Howe - Publié sur Amazon.com
Format:Relié
In his sequel to his 2002 book, Globalization and Its Discontents, Joseph E. Stiglitz argues globalization is failing the 80 percent of the world's population who live in developing countries and the 40 percent who live in poverty.

The Nobel Prize winner and former World Bank Chief Economist's objection is not to globalization itself; but to how it is managed. Stiglitz argues the United States' exerts excessive influence on the system. When poor countries seek aid, this influence attaches counterproductive economic policies and lending conditions that often undermine the borrower's sovereignty. These requirements include massive privatization, spending cuts, lower import tariffs and exposure to volatile foreign capital. Stiglitz argues these conditions are precisely what developing countries don't need when they're in dire straits.

He proposes:

1. Reform of the dependence on Treasury securities, which he argues, funds U. S. over-consumption.

2. Worldwide regulation to would restrict activities and political instabilities that harm the environment. He would provide recourse when one nation's environmental actions harm other countries and compensation for maintaining their biodiversity, especially those with rainforests that spawn drugs and sequester carbon dioxide.

3. Oversight for Western banks and multi-national corporations. He argues that today's thick corporate veil relieves employees of moral responsibility. Part of the solution, he writes, is more leeway regarding worldwide class-action suits and more enforcement of intellectual property laws.

4. A shift of responsibility. Many of the problems of globalization management lies at the feet of poor countries. They must break the bribery cycle between their governments and international companies, sell their natural resources for a fair price, spend - and save - their money wisely and learn to manage currency fluctuations.

This is a thoughtful book from a thoughtful individual. . It adds debate over the role of governments in the free market by providing insightful appraisals of NAFTA, the WTO, the Kyoto Protocol and other elements of today's globalization debate.
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