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Paris 1919: Six Months That Changed the World
 
 
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Paris 1919: Six Months That Changed the World [Anglais] [Broché]

Margaret MacMillan , Richard Holbrooke
3.0 étoiles sur 5  Voir tous les commentaires (1 commentaire client)
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From Publishers Weekly

A joke circulating in Paris early in 1919 held that the peacemaking Council of Four, representing Britain, France, the U.S. and Italy, was busy preparing a "just and lasting war." Six months of parleying concluded on June 28 with Germany's coerced agreement to a treaty no Allied statesman had fully read, according to MacMillan, a history professor at the University of Toronto, in this vivid account. Although President Wilson had insisted on a League of Nations, even his own Senate would vote the league down and refuse the treaty. As a rush to make expedient settlements replaced initial negotiating inertia, appeals by many nationalities for Wilsonian self-determination would be overwhelmed by rhetoric justifying national avarice. The Italians, who hadn't won a battle, and the French, who'd been saved from catastrophe, were the greediest, says MacMillan; the Japanese plucked Pacific islands that had been German and a colony in China known for German beer. The austere and unlikable Wilson got nothing; returning home, he suffered a debilitating stroke. The council's other members horse-traded for spoils, as did Greece, Poland and the new Yugoslavia. There was, Wilson declared, "disgust with the old order of things," but in most decisions the old order in fact prevailed, and corrosive problems, like Bolshevism, were shelved. Hitler would blame Versailles for more ills than it created, but the signatories often could not enforce their writ. MacMillan's lucid prose brings her participants to colorful and quotable life, and the grand sweep of her narrative encompasses all the continents the peacemakers vainly carved up. 16 pages of photos, maps.
Copyright 2002 Cahners Business Information, Inc. --Ce texte fait référence à une édition épuisée ou non disponible de ce titre.

From Library Journal

In an ambitious narrative, MacMillan (history, University of Toronto) seeks to recover the original intent, constraints, and goals of the diplomats who sat down to hammer out a peace treaty in the aftermath of the Great War. In particular, she focuses on the "Big Three" Wilson (United States), Lloyd George (Great Britain), and Clemenceau (France) who dominated the critical first six months of the Paris Peace Conference. Viewing events through such a narrow lens can reduce diplomacy to the parochial concerns of individuals. But instead of falling into this trap, MacMillan uses the Big Three as a starting point for analyzing the agendas of the multitude of individuals who came to Versailles to achieve their largely nationalist aspirations. Following her analysis of the forces at work in Europe, MacMillan takes the reader on a tour de force of the postwar battlefields of Asia and the Middle East. Of particular interest is her sympathy for those who tried to make the postwar world more peaceful. Although their lofty ambitions fell prey to the passions of nationalism, this should not detract from their efforts. This book will help rehabilitate the peacemakers of 1919 and is recommended for all libraries. Frederic Krome, Jacob Rader Marcus Ctr. of the American Jewish Archives, Cincinnati
Copyright 2002 Cahners Business Information, Inc. --Ce texte fait référence à une édition épuisée ou non disponible de ce titre.

Détails sur le produit

  • Broché: 624 pages
  • Editeur : Random House Trade; Édition : Reprint (9 septembre 2003)
  • Langue : Anglais
  • ISBN-10: 0375760520
  • ISBN-13: 978-0375760525
  • Moyenne des commentaires client : 3.0 étoiles sur 5  Voir tous les commentaires (1 commentaire client)
  • Classement des meilleures ventes d'Amazon: 78.066 en Livres anglais et étrangers (Voir les 100 premiers en Livres anglais et étrangers)
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Margaret MacMillan
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Dans ce livre (En savoir plus)
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ON DECEMBER 4, 1918, the George Washington sailed out of New York with the American delegation to the Peace Conference on board. Lire la première page
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If it cannot be argued that the second World War was an American led victory, the first World War is similarly an unarguable French led victory. The small and very late military US intervention sped up the end of the war but didn't change its result.

Some modern Anglo Saxon analysts, like Margareth McMillan, who feel very intelligent in raising the Ruhr occupation and Weimar Republic economic crisis as a cause to World War II, should thing deeper. They only repeat Hitler's arguments as if they were factual as a cause for World War II and input them back in the 1919 peace treaty.

They are forgetting that World War I, had resulted from German aggression against France, and had been carried on French soil, totally destroying (not simply damaging) the equivalent of the Ruhr region for the French economy, inducing also a huge demographic death toll for France. At the time iron and coal are the back bones of modern economy and the damage to France is of essential magnitude. "Reparations" (meaning repairing the damages done by a party) are to often dealt with as an abstract word implicitely corresponding to moral damages: these were actual damages. They are inconsequently estimated today as too heavy by people who only consider the German side of the issue: the alternatives were either to spread the reparations over a long period making them leiter in the meantime or more heavily on a shorter period. The choice was finally made at the American president's request and enforced through the League of Nations who entrusted France with a mandate which has been only patially fulfilled.

Maybe they should quit repeating Hitler's propaganda claims and analyze that by lacking to apply financial reparations due, it prevented France to rebuild its defense, allowing the nazi to finance theirs: possibly a much more sound and fairer analysis of the causes for World War II. Also the requirement by French President Clemenceau to prevent any possible Anschluss of Austria would have kept Germany less powerful. Also if the American Senate had voted for the League Of Nations that its President had during the Council Of Four placed as an arbitrator of the peace negotiated in Paris, Hitler would not have had a chance to put the world in flames.

The only merit of this book is to have collected facts which are now historically and geographically scattered. However by looking at an historical period from the perspective of the present balance of (economical and military) power which didn't apply in 1919, this book assemble the facts in a light that seems to me to be totally shallow and offers an analysis which seem essentially wrong.

The aims of the British over the Middle East and oil are as overlooked by the author than they were by the French President. They would condition the second World War (as demonstrated by the very first British bombing of German installations and Hitler's Russian campaign.)

The Germans were not victims (as authors seem to present them more and more often), they were an aggressor that had been pushed back by victims after considerable damages. The victorious victims were very reasonable in their request for reparations keeping in mind the necessity to build a durable peace. No damages were granted for the demographic drain and the losses of human lives, which would affect durably both English and French economies.

To be purchased for looking at the facts and reconsidering their analysis as proposed by the author keeping in mind that the British Empire and the French Empire were the two dominating powers of the time and that they had had way more casualties than any other Allies.
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