Book Description
This study looks at Aum's claims about itself and asks why a religious movement ostensibly focused on yoga, meditation, asceticism, and pursuit of enlightenment became involved in violent activities. Reader places the sect in the context of contemporary Japanese religious patterns, discussing developments in Asahara Shoko's personality and teachings, Aum's millennialism and its developing hostility toward society, and compares Aum with other religious and political movements that turned to violence, both in Japan and elsewhere. He concludes that Aum is not unique, nor is it solely a political or criminal terror group. It must rather be analyzed as an extreme example of a religious movement which, largely due to its own religious characteristics, came into friction with the surrounding society and developed into violence.
Publisher comments
Examines Aum's state as millenialist movement
Examines Aum's state as millenialist movement
The Tokyo subway attack in March 1995 was just one of a series of criminal activities including murder, kidnapping, extortion and the illegal manufacture of arms and drugs, carried out by the Japanese new religious movement Aum Shinriky , under the guidance of its leader Asahara Sh k . Many immediate interpretations of the 'Aum affair' have concentrated on Aum's preparations for, and acts of, violence, and have depicted Aum as predominantly a criminal and terror-oriented movement. However, such interpretations overlook crucial elements within Aum's development and its path to violence, in particular those that had strong religious roots, which played a major role in producing Aum's violence. Yet Aum described itself as Buddhist and asserted Buddhist principles of not killing in its publications, while many of its members had renounced the outside world and considered themselves to be monks and nuns. Reader looks at Aum's claims about itself and asks: why did a religious movement ostensibly focussed on yoga, meditation and asceticism and the pursuit of enlightenment become involved in violent activities? In framing this question Reader discusses Aum's spiritual roots, placing it in the context of contemporary Japanese religious patterns, Asahara's teaching as it developed between his earliest public pronouncements in the 1980s through to his sermons at the time of the attack, and some of the statements he has made in court during his trial. He examines Aum's stance as a millennialist movement, originally claiming a mission to save the world, but later becoming increasingly involved with drastic prophecies of disaster, and examines why this shift to an increasingly critical and pessimistic view of the world occurred. In discussing how Aum not only manufactured nerve gases but also constructed its own internal doctrinal justifications for using them, Reader focuses on the formation of what made all this possible: Aum's internal thought-world, and how this was developed. His conclusion suggests that, despite the horrors of this particular case, Aum should not be seen as wholly unique, nor as primarily a political or criminal terror group. Rather it can best be analysed within the context of religious violence as an extreme example of a religious movement that has, largely due to its own religious characteristics, created friction with the wider world that escalated into violence. --Ce texte fait référence à lédition Relié .
Examines Aum's state as millenialist movement
The Tokyo subway attack in March 1995 was just one of a series of criminal activities including murder, kidnapping, extortion and the illegal manufacture of arms and drugs, carried out by the Japanese new religious movement Aum Shinriky , under the guidance of its leader Asahara Sh k . Many immediate interpretations of the 'Aum affair' have concentrated on Aum's preparations for, and acts of, violence, and have depicted Aum as predominantly a criminal and terror-oriented movement. However, such interpretations overlook crucial elements within Aum's development and its path to violence, in particular those that had strong religious roots, which played a major role in producing Aum's violence. Yet Aum described itself as Buddhist and asserted Buddhist principles of not killing in its publications, while many of its members had renounced the outside world and considered themselves to be monks and nuns. Reader looks at Aum's claims about itself and asks: why did a religious movement ostensibly focussed on yoga, meditation and asceticism and the pursuit of enlightenment become involved in violent activities? In framing this question Reader discusses Aum's spiritual roots, placing it in the context of contemporary Japanese religious patterns, Asahara's teaching as it developed between his earliest public pronouncements in the 1980s through to his sermons at the time of the attack, and some of the statements he has made in court during his trial. He examines Aum's stance as a millennialist movement, originally claiming a mission to save the world, but later becoming increasingly involved with drastic prophecies of disaster, and examines why this shift to an increasingly critical and pessimistic view of the world occurred. In discussing how Aum not only manufactured nerve gases but also constructed its own internal doctrinal justifications for using them, Reader focuses on the formation of what made all this possible: Aum's internal thought-world, and how this was developed. His conclusion suggests that, despite the horrors of this particular case, Aum should not be seen as wholly unique, nor as primarily a political or criminal terror group. Rather it can best be analysed within the context of religious violence as an extreme example of a religious movement that has, largely due to its own religious characteristics, created friction with the wider world that escalated into violence. --Ce texte fait référence à lédition Relié .
