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The French Intifada: The Long War Between France and Its Arabs [Anglais] [Relié]

Andrew Hussey
4.0 étoiles sur 5  Voir tous les commentaires (1 commentaire client)
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Détails sur le produit

  • Relié: 464 pages
  • Editeur : Faber & Faber (22 avril 2014)
  • Langue : Anglais
  • ISBN-10: 0865479216
  • ISBN-13: 978-0865479210
  • Dimensions du produit: 23,1 x 16 x 4,8 cm
  • Moyenne des commentaires client : 4.0 étoiles sur 5  Voir tous les commentaires (1 commentaire client)
  • Classement des meilleures ventes d'Amazon: 60.991 en Livres anglais et étrangers (Voir les 100 premiers en Livres anglais et étrangers)
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1 internautes sur 1 ont trouvé ce commentaire utile 
4.0 étoiles sur 5 Vu d'ailleurs 23 juin 2014
Par pierre guillemot TOP 1000 COMMENTATEURS
Format:Format Kindle
Rien de plus intéressant pour un Français que de lire un guide touristique, volume "France" écrit par et pour des étrangers (Let's go ou Frommer par exemple). Ce que je ne vois même pas tellement c'est évident, l'étranger le met au centre du sujet. Ce livre est le guide historique et politique d'une affaire complètement française: comment vivent les Maghrébins musulmans dans le pays qui est devenu le leur sans qu'ils le veuillent. L'Algérie, la Tunisie et le Maroc font aujourd'hui partie de la France, ce que l'auteur explique avec candeur, parce que pour lui c'est évident. Les musulmans en France (métropolitaine) n'ont rien à voir avec les Indiens ou les Pakistanais du Royaume-Uni, qui, eux, sont des immigrés. Comme en Palestine, il y a deux populations inassimilables et inséparables. Une fois qu'on a digéré le choc, on peut profiter de cette vision d'un outsider (je dirais bien "extérieur", mais le mot anglais a en français la connotation qui convient), qui explique pour ses lecteurs qu'il existe en France (métropolitaine) une chose appelée "Laïcité" qui oblige à interdire aux femmes de se couvrir la tête et aux lycéennes de porter des jupes longues, et force les autorités publiques à pourchasser la moindre manifestation extérieure d'une conviction religieuse. Et nous qui pensions que la laïcité est un fondement de la république ! Lire la suite ›
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Amazon.com: 4.2 étoiles sur 5  8 commentaires
16 internautes sur 17 ont trouvé ce commentaire utile 
4.0 étoiles sur 5 Colonialism and backlash. 5 mai 2014
Par Sinohey - Publié sur Amazon.com
Format:Format Kindle
In 1827, France was trying to weasel out of paying its long overdue debts for goods imported from Algeria. The French consul confronted the Bey of Algiers (ruler of the country) with France's demands, in a supercilious manner. The irate Bey replied by slapping the pompous Frenchman with a fly-whisk. In response France's ships blockaded Algiers, the Bey's army cannonaded the French, the hostilities gradually escalated, culminating into a full blown invasion by France in 1830. And for the next 130 years, until Algeria's war of independence, France ruled Algeria as part of its territory but a second class province. The annexation of Algeria was accomplished with unmitigated brutality against individuals (incarceration, beatings, torture and executions) as well as entire villages, with firebombing from the air and "enfumades" (smoking attacks) - where villages are set on fire and the escaping dwellers are shot down by the French army. The same tactics were again used to quell the 1950s uprisings.
About 1.5 million French "colons" settled in Algeria and ruled it with an iron fist. Dissent was crushed with ruthless, merciless and violent efficiency by the "gendarmes" who were proficient in torture methods. Their innovative techniques are said to have been later adapted by the tyrants of the Middle East.
To the French, the natives were barbarians who needed to be "civilised" and abandon their culture. Algerians, who according to Hussey, were considered by the French to share "racial and cultural defects of all North Africans, ranging from stupidity, criminality and a taste for violence." They were given the choice between French citizenship or continue to live as Muslims. The devout were thus definitely excluded from governing. This was also reinforced by spurious elections.
By the early 1950s, the colonialists "pieds noirs" (black feet), most of whom were first through fifth generations born in Algeria, began to lose their grip on the natives due to the revolutionary anti-colonial fervor gripping the third world, sparked by Nasser's 1952 revolution in Egypt. In 1954, the National Liberation Front (NLF) initiated the revolt for independence and Algeria deteriorated into chaos; with the European and the Harkis (pro-French natives) together battling the NLF, during a horrifically savage and cruel war from 1954 to 1962. Unimaginable atrocities were perpetrated on both sides.

The author, Andrew Hussey, begins his book with with a rioting mob of Muslim youths at Paris's Gare du Nord in 2007, chanting in colloquial Arabic: "Na'al abouk la France" - that he mistakenly translates to "F... France!" - The correct meaning is "Damn your father France!" - a serious insult in Muslim society.
The mob came out of the "banlieues" - suburbs outside the `peripherique' highway and the central arrondissements of Paris - that are large dystopian concrete ghettos to the vast population of North Africans, which are the descendents of the Harkis that escaped to France with the "pieds noir" and the 1.5 million migrant workers that followed from the "Maghreb", and continue to immigrate from France's previous colonies.

The same type of alienated, disenfranchised angry youths rioted in 2005, in Paris, Lyons, Marseilles and other cities looting, vandalizing and setting fires to shops, buildings and cars. Hussey writes that, "the rioters, wreckers, even the killers of the banlieues are not looking for reform or revolution. They are looking for revenge."

"The French Intifada" is about "the unacknowledged civil war between France and its disturbed suburbs." It describes and analyzes the root-cause of the disaffected Muslim youths of France to be mostly due to the "devastating psychological effect of colonialism" and the loss of "all sense of authentic identity...they don't' feel that they properly exist". They refuse to assimilate and become part of the "Republique indivisible", which secularism (laicite) is reminiscent of the civilizing mission of colonialism and in reaction lash out at their oppressors.
In Hussey's opinion, the civilian turmoil in France and the West is that, "This war is not just a conflict between Islam and the west or the rich north and the globalised south, but a conflict between two very different experiences of the world - the colonisers and the colonised."

A large portion of the book involves France's colonization of North Africa, its methods of subjugation and the bloody wars of independence of (mainly)Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco. Hussey seems to relish detailing the various cruelties inflicted by both sides on their enemies, but dwells mostly on the Algerian nationalists savagery, which included "mass executions, crucifixions, gouging of eyes and castrations, live burnings and beheadings" of the Harkis. =No spoilers here=
The writer seems somewhat careless with the facts; he continuously calls the North Africans Arabs, which they are not! They are mostly Berber or Black Africans from the Sahara. Hussey says that "France promised democracy to the Algerians"; it never did. Napoleon invaded Egypt in 1798 and not "in the early 1800s".... And a few other factual errors, that diminish the book's authority. Also, Hussey relies on outdated facts about the Algerian war of independence culled from "Savage War of Peace" (Alistair Horne/1977) that was mostly a French history/perspective.

The author has no concrete solutions to the conflict but avers, "What France needs is not hard-headed political solutions or even psychiatry, but an exorcist."
Exorcism is not the answer to France's dilemma. The solution lies in changing the life-cycle of this disenfranchised population; from poor (or lack of) education, high unemployment, hopelessness and unabated boredom that drive them to join criminal gangs and radical Islam, which give them a sense of belonging and purpose. Many end up incarcerated in France's prison system where about 70% of the inmates are Muslim; there they become more radicalized in the mold of al-Qaeda with its virulent doctrine of anti-semitism and hatred for western values. Hussey writes, "Until this ceases to be the case, the unacknowledged civil war between France and its disturbed suburbs will go on."
France should acknowledge its "Muslim problem" and not simply call the riots as part of the long history of workers' revolts; and it should accept that its republicanism - that prohibits any other identity - has alienated about six million of its population who consider themselves Muslim first. Unlike other countries, in France no one can be identified by their ethnicity or religion. Also better housing, improved education, social support, work incentives, job opportunities and including minorities into the professions, business world and even government would go a long way to remedy some of these social ills and truly practice "liberty, equality and fraternity."

The book is mainly about France's misadventure in colonialism, mostly based on secondary sources with some original first-hand reportage. It is over 400 pages with uneven chapters. The writing is clear, the syntax crisp and the narrative flows in a journalistic fashion.
The obvious anti-Arab bias, the lurid detailed depiction of (mostly) NLF reprisals and brutality and the multiple careless factual errors - in my opinion - make the book more appealing to the prurient curiosity about human atrocities and less of a genuine historical document.

I have given it 3.5 stars.
4 internautes sur 5 ont trouvé ce commentaire utile 
1.0 étoiles sur 5 You just can't trust it 7 juillet 2014
Par Lester Elephant - Publié sur Amazon.com
Format:Relié
One of many problems I find with this book is that it is so riddled with inaccuracies that it is impossible to trust the content and therefore the book becomes worthless as anything other than fiction. We can forgive Hussey for his massive generalisation about what the word 'banlieue' means as many people use a similar shorthand for 'banlieue' as 'troubled area' when in actual fact banlieues cover a vast array of different social settings: posh Reuil-Malmaison for instance is a banlieue in the true sense of the word. Hussey's generalisation of all North Africans as 'Arabs' is crude in the extreme and demonstrates the author's rather simplistic mind-set. The idea that there are no Jews living in the banlieues is frankly laughable- why would there still be a number of synagogues in these areas if the Jewish community had disappeared entirely. When the author talks about how 'Arabs' in the suburbs are, in large numbers, called Kevin as a result of anti-French and Anglophile tendencies he overlooks the fact that the name Kevin was THE most popular name throughout France at the time these people were born: it reflected the popularity of the American actor Kevin Costner and was a result of the lifting of traditional restrictions on what names French people were allowed to call their kids (previously they had had to choose Saints names and since there was no Saint Kevin this name represented an appropriate break with the past)- it had absolutely nothing to do with anti-French colonialism. These are just some of a huge number of mistakes which undermine one's confidence. After a while one starts to wonder whether Hussey was really present in all the events that he describes and how many of his conversations with people in the suburbs are just made up. One can't help feeling that the book would have benefitted from some genuine research. A big thumbs down! The title and cover photo give a strong indication of the lack of subtlety in the text...
4.0 étoiles sur 5 good, but something missing 15 août 2014
Par XiSh - Publié sur Amazon.com
Format:Format Kindle|Achat vérifié
I have wanted to read this book months before it came out in the US. The movies such as Freeman and Glory Days drew me to this subject. I like reading the book. It has a good historic background of the relationship between France and it's former colonies. Yet, I do not feel a emotional connection between author and the people. As a result, I feel like I am reading many news storied strung together, not a coherent story. I guess I want to get a deeper look at Arabs who live in France, and those who want to go there. Their struggles or conflicts. No such characters in the book really touched me. I do yearn for more.
5.0 étoiles sur 5 Important for understanding today's world 14 juillet 2014
Par joan white - Publié sur Amazon.com
Format:Format Kindle|Achat vérifié
Beautifully written and argued, this book relates France's (and the world's) recent troubles with Arabs to its colonial past. The mistakes made by the conquerors continue to haunt us.
5.0 étoiles sur 5 France & Radical Islam 13 août 2014
Par Peter Benjamin - Publié sur Amazon.com
Format:Format Kindle|Achat vérifié
Excellent, factual, informative; it places a lot of Mid East problems in clear perspectives in that what is currently occurring in that part of the world is a continuum of a long radical Islamic insurgency. & nothing really "new".
This is a must read book.
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