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The Big Lie: Exposing the Nazi Roots of the American Left Relié – 31 juillet 2017
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The explosive new book from Dinesh D'Souza, author of the #1 New York Times bestsellers Hillary's America, America, and Obama's America.
What is "the big lie" of the Democratic Party? That conservatives—and President Donald Trump in particular—are fascists. Nazis, even. In a typical comment, MSNBC host Rachel Maddow says the Trump era is reminiscent of "what it was like when Hitler first became chancellor."
But in fact, this audacious lie is a complete inversion of the truth. Yes, there is a fascist threat in America—but that threat is from the Left and the Democratic Party. The Democratic left has an ideology virtually identical with fascism and routinely borrows tactics of intimidation and political terror from the Nazi Brownshirts.
To cover up their insidious fascist agenda, Democrats loudly accuse President Trump and other Republicans of being Nazis—an obvious lie, considering the GOP has been fighting the Democrats over slavery, genocide, racism and fascism from the beginning.
Now, finally, Dinesh D'Souza explodes the Left's big lie. He expertly exonerates President Trump and his supporters, then uncovers the Democratic Left's long, cozy relationship with Nazism: how the racist and genocidal acts of early Democrats inspired Adolf Hitler's campaign of death; how fascist philosophers influenced the great 20th century lions of the American Left; and how today's anti-free speech, anti-capitalist, anti-religious liberty, pro-violence Democratic Party is a frightening simulacrum of the Nazi Party.
Hitler coined the term "the big lie" to describe a lie that "the great masses of the people" will fall for precisely because of how bold and monstrous the lie is. In The Big Lie, D'Souza shows that the Democratic Left's orchestrated campaign to paint President Trump and conservatives as Nazis to cover up its own fascism is, in fact, the biggest lie of all.
- Nombre de pages de l'édition imprimée256 pages
- LangueAnglais
- ÉditeurRegnery Publishing
- Date de publication31 juillet 2017
- Dimensions15.24 x 2.79 x 22.86 cm
- ISBN-101621573486
- ISBN-13978-1621573487
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- Éditeur : Regnery Publishing (31 juillet 2017)
- Langue : Anglais
- Relié : 256 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1621573486
- ISBN-13 : 978-1621573487
- Poids de l'article : 513 g
- Dimensions : 15.24 x 2.79 x 22.86 cm
- Classement des meilleures ventes d'Amazon : 6,999 en Idées politiques (Livres)
- 37,910 en Politique (Livres)
- 563,414 en Anglais
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How can a return to faith be done in a way that seems not so religiously zealous? Religious zealotry turns many people off. Partly that’s because people do not really believe that God is real. Perhaps talk about God has become boring. But if God is real, then it follows that paying attention to him becomes essential. There is a proof that God is real that has not been part of the conversation. It’s explained in a book, God and Freedom, What Matters in Life. I have seen no other place where this idea, although straight forward and obvious, has been discussed. Perhaps the Left knows about it but dares not bring it up. The way the universe is made is proof that God is real. A highly complex and perfectly ordered universe could not have come into existence by accident. Nothing highly ordered occurs by random, undirected action. To build an ordered thing, energy must be applied and the ordered result must be forced. This fact has a name in physics - The Second Law of Thermodynamics. That is, entropy never decreases in the universe. Which means that, loosely, unless maintained by an outside source, things wear out. Edifices naturally deteriorate.
Just because the Left has obtained control of academia, the press, and Hollywood does not mean that America faces a hopeless problem. A relatively small number of us can lead America back. Only we must rely on God. We must be loyal and faithful to him. Even if we can’t “feel” Christ in our bones, we can “desire” to be given faith, and then we will have it. If we do this, all the institutions the Left controls will turn toward the real truths. Or God will sweep these institutions away. Trump is showing what one man can do when he speaks loudly with courage for what is right. Even Europe will soon look to the USA, under Trump, for guidance. We should understand that we, not the Left, possess the powerful weapons. We have only to use them. We can, for example, accuse them of denials. We can accuse the Left of denying that God is real; we can accuse them of denying that humanity needs God, and cannot do well without faith; we can accuse the Left of denial that some truths are natural and come from God, including denial of freedom of speech and denial of right to life. We can accuse the Left of denial that our conscience is the voice of God. We can accuse the Left of denial that people instinctively have the knowledge of right and wrong because God tells them. The Left is open to the charge that they deny that some moral statements are absolute, not relative. The Left is vulnerable to the charge that it teaches that good and bad are relative, not absolutes. The Left is also trying hard to transform America to a fully secular society, thus remove all remnants of God. Their hope is not merely to cancel freedom of religion, but to abolish Christianity and Judaism. If we look to God for help in a renewal process, life will become hopeful for everyone. Respect and good will come to everyone. Anybody who has read the Bible knows that this is the lesson of the Old Testament.
The absurd claim that fascism and Nazism are not socialist movements owes it origin to the hideous reputations those leftist regimes earned after World War II. How could progressives expect to thrive in America if the Holocaust and other atrocities were linked to its political relatives? Consequently, a gigantic lie was perpetrated by leftist intellectuals and slavishly spread by a sympathetic media -- namely, that fascism was a movement of the “far right” and that conservatives were also on “the right.” This “big lie” has long been a staple of Democrat propaganda and the basis for the absurd notion that President Trump is a fascist -- not his violent, GOP-assassinating, speech-suppressing, “Antifa” opponents
Most conservatives are aware of links between fascism and socialism. After all, the term “Nazi” refers to a “National Socialist” party. What many of them, and certainly most Americans, don’t know, thanks to a mendacious media and institutions of advanced deception, are the countless ties (centralized government, racism, eugenics, state-sanctioned violence, and enforced cultural uniformity) that link fascists and even Nazis to the progressive movement.
Indeed, a mutual admiration relationship existed between Mussolini and FDR -- a romance evidenced not only by a White House-organized ticker-tape parade for Mussolini’s aviation minister, but also by New Deal policies like the National Recovery Administration that effectively put the American economy under Roosevelt’s dictatorial control. Not surprisingly, a New York Times journalist praised FDR for following Mussolini’s example -- though the Supreme Court, not yet cowed by FDR’s later fascistic court-packing threat, did not cheer this unconstitutional power grab.
In 1933, FDR himself said of Mussolini, “There seems no question he is really interested in what we are doing and I am much interested and deeply impressed by what he has accomplished…” Mussolini, for his part, was thrilled to be called “the Italian Roosevelt.” Even more surprising to Americans weaned on “the big lie” is the fact that Germany’s Nazi press frequently praised FDR in the early 30s. One magazine lauded “the fascist New Deal” in which the central government (as in fascism) exercised substantial control over “private” industry and finance.
Fascism itself, as D’Souza explains, arose due to the spectacular failure of Marx’s predictions about proletarian revolutions. Mussolini and Lenin, both Marxists, proposed different reasons for this failure, but both remained socialists dedicated to centralized government and totalitarian societies. Thus, the bloody feud between fascism and communism was an internecine war akin to the ongoing hostilities between Sunni and Shiite sects within Islam.
D’Souza’s work contains a fair amount of material also found in Jonah Goldberg’s less strident book, "Liberal Fascism" -- especially information about the “proto-fascist” proclivities of the Constitution-despising Woodrow Wilson under whose resegregated regime the “domestic terrorist arm of the Democratic Party,” the KKK, reemerged in spectacular fashion. "The Big Lie," however, goes beyond Goldberg by linking Progressivism to Nazism via their kindred eugenics-based racist beliefs. D’Souza notes, for example, that Hitler’s anti-Jewish Nuremberg laws were explicitly patterned after Democrat-instituted segregation and anti-miscegenation laws in the South and that progressives in America “outpaced the Nazis in initiating mass programs of forced incarceration and forced sterilization…”
D’Souza also fully addresses a question I posed to Mr. Goldberg after a book lecture in San Diego -- to which question I received an unsatisfactory answer: “How did it come to pass that fascism is commonly called ‘right-wing’?” To this query "The Big Lie" provides a detailed response. The leftist historian Richard Hofstadter began this project by linking Social Darwinism in America to capitalism -- thus transferring racist eugenics from its progressive spawning ground to the conservative “right.” Two Germans émigrés from the Marxist Frankfort School, Herbert Marcuse and Theodor Adorno, subsequently developed the big lie that fascism wasn’t so much a political philosophy as a personality disorder associated with morally repressed conformists and traditional religious folk. In short, fascism became an “authoritarian” neurosis rooted in conservative sentiments.
Never mind that Hitler was a bohemian who despised Christianity, that Mussolini was an atheist, or that fascists hoped to create a new society filled with “supermen” and not suburbanites lounging in hot tubs. Ignore also the fact that fascism is a political philosophy with a background that’s been erased by the primary practitioners of the big lie -- academia, the media, and Hollywood. According to D’Souza, fascism’s philosophical founder was Giovanni Gentile, an Italian who, like Mussolini after him, moved from Marxism to fascism. Most of Gentile’s program could easily be mistaken for any recent Democrat platform.
D’Souza correctly, in my view, sees the “resistance” to Trump as a grave threat designed to undo America’s constitutional system and to institute a progressive conformity of thought and action throughout the country -- a uniformity that is already being enforced by fascistic thuggery and intimidation at Berkeley, Middlebury College, and elsewhere. Unfortunately, talking conservative heads seem largely oblivious to this clear and present danger.
D’Souza’s concluding “Denazification” suggestions, however, don’t inspire confidence. How does one pass Trump’s economic agenda, reach out to minorities, prosecute Obama-era abuses of power, or develop alternative media and entertainment resources in today’s social and political environment? While D’Souza has been successful with his documentaries, one would think it will take decades to make serious inroads into the left’s academic and media dominance. We might not have that much time. Nevertheless, D’Souza has provided conservatives with substantial ammunition. They need not simply scream out the window, “I’m as mad as hell…” They can also tweet, message associates, and vigorously assert to whoever will listen, “Fascism and progressivism are both leftist, socialist disasters! Read this book!”
2. The idea of "white privilege" is a myth, as it ignores the many factors that contribute to success, including hard work, talent, and education.
3. The progressive left is attempting to divide America along racial lines, in order to win elections and advance their political agenda.
4. The concept of "systemic racism" is flawed, as it suggests that all aspects of society are inherently racist, regardless of individual actions or intentions.
5. The progressive left has a long history of advocating for policies that have had negative consequences for marginalized communities, such as welfare dependency and high crime rates.
6. The progressive left promotes a victimhood narrative, which portrays disadvantaged groups as helpless and powerless, rather than empowering them to take control of their own lives.
7. The progressive left is trying to silence and suppress alternative viewpoints, particularly those that challenge their ideology or narrative.
8. The progressive left is using identity politics as a means to divide and conquer, rather than seeking to unite and uplift all Americans.
9. The progressive left is attempting to rewrite history and erase America's founding principles and values.
10. The progressive left is trying to fundamentally transform America into a socialist society, which would lead to the loss of individual freedom and prosperity.
I'll get my negative quibble out of the way first - or maybe it's more than a quibble. I found the weakest parts of the book to be the chapters comparing the Southern slave plantations with the Nazi concentration camps. Not that the similarities aren't present, of course, but in and of themselves I'm not sure those similarities prove either a historical or philosophical connection between the American LEFT and Nazism. Similarly for the connection between the Nazi Lebensraum and the treatment of the American Indians. I've understood that there was a "conservative/right-wing" branch of the Democratic party that was responsible for slavery, and while the author is obviously arguing against that idea, making the case that those practices were supported by the Democratic Party rather than the American people as a whole - he doesn't quite close the loop. It's not clear in what sense they are particularly LEFT-wing.
More core to D'Souza's argument, though, and more effective, were the chapters on the history of fascism. He made a compelling case that Nazism, fascism, Bolshevism and Leninism are all political cousins descending from their common left-wing grandfather, Marxism. The similarities - and mutual admiration - between Mussolini and FDR were startling and revealing - as well as the more recent efforts that have been made to conceal that affinity.
Another significant parallel is one between Hitler's anti-Semitism and current left-wing anti-capitalism - both rooted in a mindset of resentment against those with financial power.
The explanation of "Gleichschaltung" - the Nazi form of political correctness - was important in light of the way Lefists today want to control and coerce speech.
A particularly helpful nugget was an explanation of the historical development of the terms "left" and "right" and how the original meanings translate to the American context.
Once the left-wing nature of fascism is established, it is necessary to explain how it has been not just hidden from the American consciousness, but actually inverted in its understanding. The author thoroughly examines the process of redefining "fascism" and the key players - such as Heidegger, Marcuse, and Soros.
D'Souza ends with a challenge to the conservative movement: if we believe the message of the book, then "normal, lackadaisical politics is largely obsolete." He outlines steps that the conservative movement needs to take to expose and undermine American-style fascism. I confess I got a little nervous when he seemed to be advocating the use of government power to intimidate left-wing advocates in the same way that, for instance, the Obama administration has used it against the Tea Party. Unlike Hillary and friends, I am not willing to agree with Saul Alinsky that ends are the only thing to justify the means! But then D'Souza backs away from the position, saying that "we don't want ourselves to become instruments of lawlessness." We do however need to realize that if the Left is going to fight hard and dirty - and they do - we at least need to fight hard.
In spite of my criticisms above, I gave this book five stars, simply because of the importance of the message. Every American conservative should read this book - as well as every progressive and centrist. The future of the American Experiment requires it.



