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Green Philosophy: How to think seriously about the planet Relié – 1 janvier 2012
- Nombre de pages de l'édition imprimée464 pages
- LangueAnglais
- ÉditeurAtlantic Books
- Date de publication1 janvier 2012
- Dimensions16.4 x 4 x 23.4 cm
- ISBN-101848870760
- ISBN-13978-1848870765
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Against the Tide: The Best of Roger Scruton's Columns, Commentaries and CriticismSir Roger ScrutonReliéExpédition de 4,49 €
Description du produit
Revue de presse
Beautifully written and ambitious in its scope... An immensely readable book and a valuable contribution to the debate over environmental politics. --Independent
The Tories want the environmental agenda back and they have one of the best philosophers of our time leading the charge. --Daily Telegraph
Biographie de l'auteur
Détails sur le produit
- Éditeur : Atlantic Books; Main édition (1 janvier 2012)
- Langue : Anglais
- Relié : 464 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1848870760
- ISBN-13 : 978-1848870765
- Poids de l'article : 820 g
- Dimensions : 16.4 x 4 x 23.4 cm
- Commentaires client :
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Roger Scruton's Green Philosophy: How to Think Seriously about the Planet is an outstanding book on the environment that shows how moral philosophy can be translated into policy. It is a massively comprehensive book that leaves no stone unturned in relation to rationalities and approaches that have been proposed to protect the environment, analysing them from many angles. There are two expectations behind his meticulous inquiry into the physical and the moral aspects of choices. The first is that it will provide all the facts needed to understand environmental problems; the second is that such understanding will recreate the moral connection between individuals and their immediate environment. As Scruton points out, this moral connection is already latent in humans and is based on the need for nurture and safety. These two expectations lead to what Scruton calls oikophilia, which literally means the love of one's home, which is the key to unlock the moral connection that motivates people to look after their environmental resources in a spirit of stewardship.
Oikophilia works, Scruton explains, by promoting human resilience, autonomous associations, market solutions, effective tort law, aesthetic side-constraints which emerge from open discussions among citizens, biodiversity, natural beauty, local autonomy, serious research, and a regime of pricing and feedback that return the costs of environmental damage to those who create them. These are precisely the kind of things `which have a healthy environment as their effect'. This long list of things is, of course, part of the conservative morality which Scruton recommends. It comes with a huge problem: to overcome the hostile attitude of the left-wing mind set of the radical greens that tend to rebuff conservatism and to equate the market with attributes like consumerism, selfishness and greed.
There are arguments in favour of conservatism in most chapters of this book. In those arguments it is posited that the individualism at the core of conservatism, which combines freedom with responsibility, is complemented by other values such as respect for customs and traditions, namely those in the spheres of inherited affections, national sovereignty, free enterprises and civic initiatives. It is also argued that it is worth maintaining the things that were built into society at great cost, such as English common law, which has enabled society to cope with environmental problems long before the state began to legislate against them. The conclusion of the argument for conservatism is that tradition is precisely the source of practical knowledge that helps us know what to do in order to accomplish something successfully. Any suggestion that the author could be trying to appease the left-wing greens is dispelled completely by his summing up at the end of the book in the two appendices, where he posits some bold ideas that have the potential to attract other types of contrary reactions.
Green Philosophy examines a number of the most pertinent environmental problems, shows how such problems were tackled in the past, and reveals the mistakes that were made in the process. In Scruton's view, both the radical greens and governments have limited visions of environmental problems and their habit of imposing top-down prescriptions for the environment disrupts the social equilibrium necessary for people to act morally as temporary trustees of the environment. To Scruton, these top-down solutions often either exacerbate the problem or create new problems in the process. If environmental problems are to be taken seriously, he argues, they should be subjected to public debate and accountability. Scruton makes the point that, in the recent past, people had control of their environment and an awareness of the risks it faced through their use. Removing control of the local environmental away from individuals is disingenuous since they are precisely the ones who hold the key to solving the problems relating to it. According to Scruton in order for people to regain control of their environment they must first relearn how `to turn on the moral equipment' which will enable them to value what they have and to protect what they value.
Scruton's Green Philosophy is a solid starting point for all public discussions surrounding the environment. In it, the author accepts that some environmental problems are so large that they have no realistic solution and the best that can be done is to manage them with the aim of putting them on the path of equilibrium. Global warming and the dwindling fisheries of the oceans are perhaps the two most notorious examples of large-scale problems.
Scruton's solution for the problem of dwindling fisheries is to divide up the shoreline into plots and allocate property rights to each. He cites two examples of autonomous fisheries management that worked, the Lofoten fishery in Norway, which survived for centuries without outside regulation, and the system of `individual transferable quotas' (ITQs) adopted by Iceland and New Zealand. Scruton is a fierce critic of the Common Fisheries Policy of the European Union (EU). He reminisces about a time past when each country in the coastal waters of Europe had their customary sovereign rights. Scruton fails to acknowledge that in the case of Great Britain and Denmark, accepting the Common Fisheries Policy was a pre-requisite to joining the EU. Therefore, his suggestion of returning to a system of property rights which would bring the good stewardship needed to safeguard the fisheries resource is nigh on impossible for a country within a transnational organization such as the EU. Furthermore, Scruton's assessment of the problems of the oceans and the disappearance of fisheries and the stocks on which they depend, fails to take into account the existing body of scientific knowledge on the subject, omitting to suggest feasible ways of tackling the problems associated with the Common Fisheries Policy.
Scruton's coverage of global warming is much better than his account of the oceans and their dwindling fisheries, and includes the entire spectrum of informed opinions, both past and present. He accepts the trend of global warming, that to a greater extent it is anthropogenic, and that there is a need to reduce carbon emissions. He explains the basis of the international solution proposed under the Kyoto treaty, known as cap and trade solution, as an attempt to create a market that will assign a price to emissions based on the logic of supply and demand. Although he recognises the market oriented solution underpinning Kyoto, Scruton is sceptical about cap and trade schemes due to their lack of transparency, which, in his view, is an invitation to corruption. Another reason why he opposes Kyoto is that it targets producers and not consumers, who, he believes, are ultimately responsible for the problem of carbon emissions. He proposes an alternative solution to the problem of global warming, by the introduction of a flat-rate carbon tax on all products regardless of their origin and to use this tax to finance research on cleaner technologies.
An overview of Scruton's suggestions to manage environmental problems is provided in the last chapter of Green Philosophy, entitled Modest Proposals. Here, Scruton reiterates that the state should not undertake tasks that could be better undertaken by the citizens. In his view, what the state should do is to help citizens to act effectively, through deregulation for example. The first step of any environmental policy should be to devise a scheme for putting a price on pollution and waste that serves as a deterrent. The chapter, however, is followed by two appendices. Appendix I, Global Justice, is a philosophical examination of the problems of bringing justice to the environment, especially the so-called intergenerational justice, that seeks to save the environment for future generations. In the second Appendix, How Should We Live, Scruton delineates the difficulties of moral judgements and the tensions that exist between the pursuit of happiness and sense of duty. He also points out that in the modern era, when overpopulation became the greatest source of pressure on the environment, one of the greatest tensions is that between the virtue of charity towards the poor and the virtue of unburdening the planet. The starkest example is the campaign against DDT that took place after the publication of Rachel Carson's Silent Spring, whose success led to an increase in the population of the malaria-transmitting mosquito, which in turn caused a huge increase in the number of African children who died of malaria.
One of the lessons of this book is that all actions designed to solve environmental problems in the present must be thought through to prevent a tragedy further down the line. For that, one must think seriously about the planet and reject top-down prescriptions and agendas about the environment. This, of course, requires the practice oikophilia, demonstrated by actions such as participation in civic associations, creation of sustainable neighbourhoods and respect for tradition. In the case of environmental justice, truth is not enough: only the whole truth will do. Many comprehensive books on the environment that have appeared before now have incurred errors due to incomplete visions. This is not the case of Scruton's Green Philosophy -- His polymath credentials have allowed him to uncover all the pertinent dimensions necessary for the care of our planet.
In his new book Green Philosophy the conservative thinker supports decentralised energy, local farmers markets, carbon taxes, publicly-funded research into clean energy and careful consumption through, for example, taking holidays that "we can reach without burning up the planet". He dislikes large-scale agribusinesses that destroy wildlife and soil, the carelessness of multinationals that lead to environmental disasters like the BP Deepwater Horizon oil spill, and the willingness of governments to do corporate bidding.
He decries the uglification of our towns and cities through advertising hoardings, out of town shopping, and a throwaway society that has created the scourge of plastic pollution across the globe. He passionately calls for greater consideration for the needs of future generations, recognition of the beauty of our landscapes and for politics guided by morality rather than attempts to put an economic price on everything.
In all these things I am in agreement with him.
I also agree with his desire to localise decision-making as much as is possible and appropriate, reignite and support people coming together to protect their local environment, and his recognition that "what is needed may not be more growth but less."
But I'm not convinced his approach is fit for purpose, for the following reasons.
He rejects a global treaty on climate change as "useless" because he doesn't think other countries will deliver on promises. He rejects the development of long-term plans. He is disparaging about the European Union's efforts. He rejects setting goals to reduce global inequalities.
In short, he doesn't particularly like government. And certainly not big government.
He points to the disasters caused by communist governments in Eastern Europe and elsewhere as an example of the failings of state control, which are indisputable. Instead he looks to local land-ownership, individuals and communities to be the bedrock of environmental stewardship - without totally rejecting a limited role for the state.
My experiences differ from his.
Businesses tell me they need long-term government plans to give them confidence to invest in new technologies. Our beaches, rivers and drinking water are cleaner because of the European Union, not despite it.
If we fail to reduce global inequalities then efforts to protect the global commons are probably doomed to fail. And while there are free-riders in any global treaties, many countries take their responsibilities as seriously as the UK does - although we're not necessarily always an angel.
Roger Scruton is an influential thinker, at least to part of the Conservative Party. His love of home, tradition and the British countryside is shared by many. By writing down his philosophy in such detail, he makes it easier for others to understand his thinking. This helps begin to increase our understanding of the increasing left-right split on environmental thinking.
In my view, his version of a `friend of the earth' has much to be said for it - if you leave out his nastier elements such as his dislike of multiculturalism, traveller communities, and what he calls the "parasite class" by which he presumably means people on benefits. But I think it is of a different age when environmental problems were predominately local, regional or national.
Today's problems are global. We absolutely need people to stand up to protect our green and pleasant land. We all need to guard against centralised decision-making where it is unnecessary. But we must, I believe, recognise that we can only prevent tragedies of the commons if we work together as a community of nations, with respect for each other, and with a common goal to ensure everyone can live dignified lives within the planet's limits.
Mike Childs, Friends of the Earth (twitter: mikechilds1)
This conception is derived from a misunderstanding (caused by our muddled political climate) of the key differences between liberalism and conservatism. Liberals are focused on the individual and the freedom of markets. Conservatives (small ‘c’, very different from the capital ‘C’ Conservative Party) believe in preservation and stewardship. It is this desire to preserve, which makes conservatives a natural ally in the struggle to save our planet. In Scruton's own words: ‘For nobody seems to have identified a motive more likely to serve the environmentalist cause than this one, of the shared love of our home’.
On the cover Scruton claims to think seriously about the planet, and he does exactly that!



